Introduction
It will not be an overstatement to say that Polish heraldry is unlike any other style of
heraldry, as it is considerably different from the Anglo-Norman heraldry with which most
people in the Western countries are familiar. Many heraldists from a non-Polish background
with whom I came to contact had very little understanding of it. Some thought of it as
being exotic, "poor" or inferior. Because of thoughts like these,
there seems to be a tendency to downgrade Polish nobility itself and to treat it as
something second rate.
It is my belief that those opinions derive solely from the lack of knowledge and
understanding, which is due to the shortage of literature on the subject in languages
other than Polish. I believe that once we will fill the gap and more information on the
subject will be published in English and other languages, people fascinated with heraldry
will begin to see that Polish herby, just like Hungarian cimerei, have a unique
style and are worth studying on their own. I happen to believe that Polish heraldry is
fascinating precisely because it is different.
I hope that the following article will explain the various aspects of the Polish heraldry.
I hope it will clarify past confusion and thus become the first small step towards its
understanding.
History of Polish Nobility, Its Origins,
Prerogatives and Structure
To fully understand Polish heraldry, one needs to know more about Polish nobility. As
compared to its counterparts from the Western European countries, as a social class,
Polish nobility was quite unique, both in its structure and prerogatives. Unlike in
England, France or Germany, in Poland, from the ancient times up until the Third Partition
in 1795, apart from dozens of families who held the title of Prince, there existed only
one class of nobility - szlachta [1] (read as shlahta).
It is widely believed that all forms of government in Poland were due to the great
influence of the ancient Slavic institution called rod (clan) and that szlachta, which in
The Cambridge History of Poland [2]
is referred to as the knightly class or knighthood, originated from the
descendants of these ancient clans. Recent archeological discoveries show, however, that
the first forms of government were completely separate from the clan system. This system
was predominantly based on the notion of common ancestry and kinship. This was due to the
fact that by the 10th-11th century Poland was already a monarchy. The influence of the old
clan system on the governing of the country was almost non-existent. The ancient clans,
however, played a vital role in the area of establishing the country's customs and private
law relationships.
By the end of the 11th and the beginning of the 12th century one could observe the
emergence of a new style of clans which was based on patronage, and thus called rod
klientarny or clan of clients. The role of a patron or a sponsor in this
instance was played by the king - assigning new knights to the clans of his choice - or by
prominent knights (land owners) - who would receive their friends and relations into their
clan on their own private initiative. The creation of such clans was based on various
criteria, e.g. according to the heraldic criteria, several clans which shared common or
similar arms would form a union; or groups of foreign immigrants would form ethnic clans.
There were, of course, those clans that emerged from the old root system, (where members
were descendants of a common ancestor), but according to Zajaczkowski [3], most of the formed clans
were certainly of the new style. In his opinion, this new ród system should be
identified as a catalyst responsible for the eventual establishment of Polish szlachta.
Let us now look more closely at the clans themselves. They were certainly of no equal size
nor of equal political or financial importance. Structurally, some of them were very big -
comprising several families, while others only a single family; some were land owners on a
large scale, while others consisted of groups of small land holders. Needless to say, the
possession of land played an important role in acquiring a nobility status. In the period
between 1228 and 1378 especially, land was granted to the individual clan members thus
becoming the basis of some families' fortunes. The land was also granted to commoners who
then had an obligation of military service and who later sought adoption into existing
clans. Families of lower status were also very often integrated by more powerful, noble
clans. Such was also the case with members of the clans' households or even foreigners.
This tendency for the more powerful clans to absorb the smaller and poorer ones was even
stronger especially when their arms were similar.
The origins of a great majority of clans were local Polish, however, groups of foreigners
also formed a number of clans. Quite few originated from the descendants of knights who
had sought better fortune and promotion in Poland. Klec-Pilewski
[4] states that in this way there began a number
of clans of Bohemian, Polabian, Luisatian and even German origin. He also mentions one
proven example of a clan of Scandinavian origin.
The emergence of szlachta as a distinct estate was well advanced by the reign of Kazimierz
Wielki (Casimir the Great, 1333-1370), however, the process of reinforcing and codifying
its legal privileges continued up until the middle of the 16th century, when, as it is
commonly held by the academics today, nobility became a closed society.
As Klec-Pilewski [5]
and Davis [6]
indicate, this society grew in importance due to a number of political and fiscal
privileges.
Throughout the earlier period, Polish rulers had granted immunities to individual knights or clerics, freeing them from particular taxes or from obligation to submit their subjects to the royal justice. But as from the late XIV century similar concessions were exacted for the nobility not by individuals, but by an estate demanding its corporate rights. In times of crisis, during the war or before the succession, the Nobility's bargaining power was very high [7].
The following is a list of some of the more important privileges, which in time allowed
the nobility members to proudly exclaim, nic o nas, bez nas ('nothing concerning
us, without us') and which constituted the backbone of the concept of Noble Democracy :
1374 Statute of Kosice - anxious to secure the succession of his daughter Jadwiga, King
Louis of Anjou, exempts all noble demesnes from the land-tax, and reduces the rate levied
on noble tenants to one-sixth of its previous level;
1422 Statute of Czerwinsk - an act is passed protecting a nobleman's land and property
from the Crowns confiscation unless a sentence is passed against him in a court of laws;
1430 Statute of Jedlno - King Wladyslaw (Vladislav) Jagiello concerned with the succession
of his son to the throne of Poland passes the law, known in its Latin form as Neminem
captivabimus nisi iure victum ('no one who has not been convicted can be imprisoned')
- similar in the principle to the English Habeas Corpus, protecting a nobleman from
the arrest unless sentence is passed against him in a court of law;
1454 Statute of Nieszawa - King Kazimierz (Casimir) Jagiellonczyk concedes that no new tax
will be levied nor army raised without the consent of the new noble dietines - seymik,
(a meeting at which all nobles of the district could join in discussion, vote and choose
delegates to the noble assembly called Seym. According to Zamoyski [8], Seym - the principle of government
by consensus - derives its origin from the times of early Polish kings; by the 13th
century it played a major role in the governing of various provinces, and later of the
entire Commonwealth);
1496 Statute of Piotrkow - King Jan Olbracht (John Albert) grants the noble monopoly of
land holding, and takes pains to restrict rights of the clergy (henceforth, all of the
senior appointments in the Church are limited to noble candidates), the burghers, and the
peasants;
1505 Nihil Novi Constitution of Radom - Seym passes a constitution of nihil novi nisi
commune consensu which proclaims that no new laws can be introduced without the
consent of both Seym and Senate [9];
1 July 1569 Union of Lublin - a final stage of the Union between the Kingdom of Poland Korona
and Grand Dutchy of Lithuania (earlier stages took place in 1385 - Constitutional Union of
Krewa; and 1413 - Personal Union of Horodlo). Both nations were to be joined together in
Rzeczpospolita Obojga Narodów (The Republic of Both Nations - commonly known as
Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth or, later, as Republic of the Nobility) which was to have a
common king - elected, not born, common Seym, currency and common politics [10].
Granting of such extensive privileges to the nobility was justified by its obligation to
provide unpaid military service. Throughout the Middle Ages, the possession of land was
rationalised by the necessity to support a military cast. The expenses of this cast were
great but, on the other hand, its services were also in constant demand. In the
Polish-Lithuania Commonwealth this ancient protocol still made good sense even in the 15th
century. In the Polish military history of that age there are many examples of the
practice of the nobility customarily confirming or even extending its privileges in its
armed camp before proceeding to the battle with the enemy. In the
course of time, however, with the ever changing military strategies, the noble pospolite
ruszenie or levée-en-masse lost its effectiveness. Therefore, as Davis
rightly points out [11], by the 16th
century, the idea that the growth in noble privileges was balanced by a corresponding
growth in responsibilities in the military sphere, became quite anachronistic.
Despite the decrease in responsibilities, concessions gained were rarely relinquished. As
indicated above, the Nihil Novi Constitution marked an end to the evolution of the clan
system; by 1505 szlachta had become a separate, closed, hereditary estate jealously
guarding its rights, privileges and all means by which it could be accessed.
A very interesting description of Polish szlachta was given by Bernard O'Connor, an Irish
physician to King Jan III Sobieski. O'Connor, who lived in Poland at the end of the 17th
century, published in 1698 (in English) two volumes of "The History of Poland" [12]:
All gentry of Poland are equal by birth, and therefore they do not value titles of
honour, but think that a noble Pole or gentleman of Poland the greatest they can have.
Neither the King nor the Republic bestow the title of Prince, which belongs only to the
sons of the royal family; for some are made Princes of the Empire and as such enjoy the
title of Prince. They have no precedence upon that account. Nor have they any Dukes,
Marquises, Counts, Viscounts, or Barons, but a few have foreign titles which the rest
generally despise; for they do not value any borrowed character or external denomination,
but say that it is intrinsic worth and service done to their country that deserves
preferment... Those great privileges made the Polish gentry very powerful. [13]
Apart from being very powerful, Polish nobility by general
European standards was also quite numerous. Any discussion of its structure has to begin
by establishing some facts about its population. In Rzeczpospolita in the 16th century
there was some twenty five thousand noble families, including at least half a million
individuals, (6.6% of total population of about 7.5 million). Later, according to the most
comprehensive estimates made by Korzon [14],
this number rose to about 8% in 1791. At the same time, the number of the nobility in the
Western countries averaged 2-3%, (Spain and Hungary ca. 5%, England ca. 2%, France ca.
1%). It is important to stress that the percentage of Polish nobles established by Korzon
relates to the total population of Rzeczpospolita which includes a mosaic of various
ethnic groups. Szlachta, on the other hand, was ethnically almost homogeneous - nobility
was either of Polish nationality or was polonised. If we assume that the size of Polish
ethnic group within Rzeczpospolita was virtually
the same as the size of a Roman-Catholic group, (Roman-Catholicism was the predominant
religious denomination among Poles - with 53% of Catholics in the whole country), then the
percentage of Polish nobility in relation to the size of the Polish ethnic group doubles,
and comes to ca. 16%. This means that by the end of the 18th century one in six Poles was
a member of szlachta.
As explained earlier, the majority of szlachta was of local Polish origin, however, there
was a number of noble families of foreign descent that became polonised. Such families
entered the ranks of local nobility through ennoblements, naturalisation, or as a result
of a number of unions and incorporations. The following, in chronological order, are such
acts of unions and incorporations which took place between 1413 and 1795, and which formed
Rzeczpospolita:
1413 Union of Horodlo - the second stage of the Union between Poland and Lithuania which resulted in the extension of the privileges enjoyed by the Polish szlachta onto the Lithuanian boyars. Forty seven Polish heraldic clans adopted to their ranks as many Lithuanian members. Territories such as the districts of Podolia, southern provinces of Volhynia and Ukraine were in corporated into Rzeczpospolita;
1434 - the Ruthenian boyars of the Orthodox Church, living in the above districts, were
granted equal status with the Catholics;
1454 (legally) - 1466 (physically) - incorporation of Royal Prussia (West Prussia)
resulting from the request of its gentry to come into union with Poland. Noble families of
Royal Prussia of mixed Polish, German, Prussian (Baltic), Cassubian and other origins
acquired equal status with Polish szlachta. Up until 1772 Royal Prussia kept its own
social and political structure;
1529 - incorporation of Masovia inhabited mainly by Poles. According to Klec-Pilewski [15], this Dutchy had the highest number of minor nobility which
retained its clannish tradition for a long period of time;
1564 - incorporation of two small principalities of Silesia: Oswiecim and Zator. Although
the initial incorporation took place in 1455-56 only in 1564 were they completely absorbed
by the Polish legal and political system;
1561 - part of Livonia (in Polish - Inflanty) became condominium of Poland. Ancient
nobility of that territory acquired all privileges of Polish nobility;
1790 - finally, principality of Siewierz (bought in 1422 by the Bishop of Cracow who, as a
Duke of Siewierz, became vassal of the Crown. He exercised his power to grant the rank of
nobility in his principality, however, until 1790, such nobility was not regarded as the
equivalent of the Polish one) was incorporated directly into the Polish Kingdom and only
then did its nobility achieve equal status with szlachta.
Having established the ethnic composition of szlachta we shall now explore its
socioeconomic structure. On the basis of some major differences in wealth among szlachta
Zajaczkowski [16] and Davis [17] divide it into several groups:
Origins of Polish Heraldry
Any study of the Polish heraldry should begin with a warning that in the past many
articles on this subject, written in languages other than Polish, usually contained more
anecdotal information than factual data. At the same time, other papers clearly represent
outdated knowledge and so their value is rather diminished - for example, the section
about the Polish heraldry published in A Complete Guide to Heraldry by A. C.
Fox-Davis [48]. I would like to strongly
advise any serious heraldist to consider similar materials with maximum caution.
It should be also remembered that Polish herby constitute one of the oldest and the most
important monuments of the Polish culture, of which not many other relicts have survived.
It is worth mentioning that the oldest monument of Polish prose - Kazania Swietokrzyskie
(the Swietokrzyski Sermons) come from the first half of the 14th century, and the oldest
Polish sentence (recorded in writing): daj, ac ja pobrusze, a ty poczywaj (giveth
to me, I shall stir and you shall rest) survived in the Latin text of Księga
Henrykowska (Henry's Book) from the turn of the 14th century. Significantly, the first
Polish coats of arms (e.g., Topor, Lis, Rawa, Leszczyc) come from the same time period.
There are some coats of arms which could be considered as being even older, e.g., the
charge of the Awdaniec clan derives its origin from the property mark which became
hereditary since the beginning of the 13th century.
In Poland, as a general rule, one rod had one herb (coat of arms) which was shared by all
its members. When a clan was divided into separate families, all of them retained the
original arms without any differencing or cadency. Paszkowski characterised this
peculiarity by stating:
Whereas in Western Europe a coat of arms belonged to a person or family, in Poland
a family or a person belonged to the coat of arms. Thus, some of the families were
bearing their own coat of arms, but many, sometimes hundreds of (clan) families, shared or
belonged to one coat of arms. [49]
This peculiarity may be best illustrated by the example given by Paprocki [50] who mentions the Rosciszewski family which took a
surname different from the names of the land properties it had owned. Those of the
Rosciszewski family who settled in Chrapunia became known as Chrapunskis; those who
settled in Strykwina were known as Strykwinskis; and those who settled in Borkow became
known as Borkowskis. Since they shared a common ancestor and belonged to the same clan -
they were entitled to bear the same arms as Rosciszewskis.
As Konarski [51] points out, there was a
different process involved when members of the different heraldic clans were adopting
surnames derived from the commonly occurring names of villages, such as: Baranow,
Chrzanow, or Zakrzewie. In this process, quite accidentally, identical surnames were
formed by members of different clans. For example, there was the Konarski family which
used the Jastrzebiec arms. At the same time, there was another, unrelated family of the
same surname which belonged to the Awdaniec clan. This resulted in the distinct feature of
the Polish heraldic system where people belonging to the same heraldic clan and using the
same coat of arms could have different surnames, while people sharing the same surname
were using different arms. Some families which were ennobled or naturalised and which
maintained their own foreign family coat of arms, with no doubt have found this
practice to be quite confusing. Perhaps even more confusing was the tradition that the
coats of arms of the Polish nobility had names of their own; names which derived their
origins from the ancient war-cries also called proclamations (Latin: proclamatio). Another
peculiarity of the Polish heraldry was the custom that all legitimate children of a
nobleman, both male and female could inherit their father's coat of arms, (without any
alterations, i.e., marks of differencing, and cadency - called brisures in French)
together with all his privileges as a noble.
As a result of the union between the Kingdom of Poland and the Great Dutchy of Lithuania,
noble families of the Dutchy (boyars) were adopted by Polish clans and began to use their
arms. Moreover, some boyars followed the Polish example and transformed their old property
marks into heraldic devices. Until 1795, which marks the end of the Polish Commonwealth,
adoption into a clan constituted the most common form of ennoblement (even though this
right was reserved by Seym). Foreign families, naturalised or ennobled in Poland from the
16th century onward, usually kept their own family coat of arms, and so did the nobility
of Royal Prussia and Livonia after their union with the Polish Commonwealth. Cassubian
arms of Polish Pomerania are very similar to those of Poland. Silesian nobility, (mainly
Polish in origin, yet politically separate from Poland since the beginning of the 14th
century) also maintained certain Polish heraldic characteristics despite much stronger
Western influence. The same Polish characteristics can be observed in the heraldry of
Western Pomerania and East Prussia.
At an initial glance, Polish heraldry may seem to be quite simple and relatively poor in
its design - with its rules much less rigid than the ones developed in Western Europe. In
the eventual absence of an institution of a herald, (it disappeared during the 15th
century) and heraldic visitations, as well as with the disintegration of the clan system,
it deteriorated by the 16th century. In time, the old Polish heraldic terminology became
forgotten and foreign influences, introduced without control, overwhelmed it. The lack of
proper terminology resulted in very long and awkward blazons which uncontrollably entered
Polish armorials. Only relatively recently - in 1960s - following earlier attempts by
Joachim Lelewel, Franciszek Piekosinski and Helena Polaczkowna, Polish heraldist Adam
Heymowski [52] commenced his systematic
research in this field and created proper heraldic terminology based on the original
mediaeval heraldic language.
The tribal system influenced all the countries included in the Polish Commonwealth. As a
result, the nobility consisting of more than forty thousand families, used about seven
thousand arms including family coats of arms of Western origin. Moreover, the homonymous
families, with their surnames derived from estates with identical names, bore different
arms depending on the clan to which they belonged.
It is important to note that most Polish coat of arms depictions consist only of a shield,
a crest, a helmet, a crest coronet, as well as of a crest and mantling. Let us consider
them individually.
SHIELD
In Polish heraldry little concern was given to the various
forms of the shield. During the times of the living heraldry the shields of
heraldic art were based on the examples of shields used in battles or tournaments. Polish
shields followed the examples of the western form. From the 16th century onward the form
of the shield in the coat of arms of paper heraldry, just as elsewhere, was heavily
influenced by artistic fashion and style. They became characteristic of the beginnings of
the heraldic decadence. The best examples of such shields can be found in armorials of
Paprocki (see illus. no
7), Okolski and Niesiecki (see illus. no 8). From the early 19th
century Polish paper heraldry was dominated by the 19th century rectangular French-style
form of the shield. This form was probably popularised by Pawliszczew, who in 1853
published an armorial under the auspices of the Heroldia of the Kingdom of Poland. Because
of its official character many people used it as the basis for further heraldic studies.
This probably constitutes the reason for the adoption and the use of shields similar in
form in the armorial compiled later by Boniecki. In 1927 the same French-style shield was
also given to the official coat of arms of the Republic of Poland which is still in use
today.
Nowadays Polish heraldists tend to support the view that the shape of the heraldic shield
should correspond to the epoque from which the particular arms came. Therefore, the arms
of the old noble families are depicted in the 14th century-style - with the triangular
form of the shield (see illus.
no 4 and no
5). The round-based Spanish-style shield, on the other hand, is considered to
be universal and as such can be used to portray heraldic achievements of any time period.
Just as in the Western heraldry, Polish heraldry also uses divisions and lines of
partition, although, especially in the mediaeval heraldry such divisions of the shield
were very rare. According to Szymański [53]
who compiled a list of all known 274 [54]
coats of arms from that period, (he used the end of the 15th century as a bench mark), the
most common divisions recorded were: per pale (which can be found in 6 arms), per
fess (4 arms), per bend (1 arms), paly (2 arms) and checky (2
arms). In later periods, divisions per cross, likewise known as quarterly,
also became popular but were used distinctively for the marshaling of arms. The quarterly
shield divisions were predominantly used on epitaphs, and in the 15th century could be
found almost distinctly in churches. In Great Britain or Spain the marshaling of the arms
followed strict rules, thus the quarterly division was set out as follows: in 1st
quarter - paternal arms, in 2nd quarter - maternal arms, in 3rd quarter - arms of the
paternal grandmother and in 4th quarter - arms of maternal grandmother. On the other hand,
in Poland there was no rigorous observance of such rules - the displaying of the pedigree
could have different arrangements. According to Kulikowski [55], most popular arrangements were marshalled in the following
fashion: 1st quarter - paternal arms, 2nd quarter - maternal arms, 3rd quarter - arms of
maternal grandmother, 4th quarter - arms of the paternal grandmother. He also suggests
that in some instances in the 4th quarter the arms of paternal grandmother were replaced
by the arms of paternal great grandmother. This was especially common when the paternal
arms and the arms of paternal grandmother were the same, (as to avoid repetition).
In the 17th century, apart from the per cross division of the shield, another one
became very popular - the quarterly with an ineschuteon (5 fields). The heraldic
achievement with such division of the field had to fit the following requirements: 1st
quarter - maternal arms, 2nd quarter - arms of the paternal grandmother, 3rd quarter -
arms of paternal great grandmother, 4th quarter - arms of maternal grandmother, and in
ineschuteon - paternal arms. It should be remembered, however, that since there was no
rigorous rules for the marshalling of the arms, many other variations have been documented
in the history of the Polish heraldic art.
A popular use of the quarterly and quarterly with an ineschuteon divisions
can be observed by the 18th century when they were widely used not only in churches put
also in cemeteries. Such was the fashion also throughout the 19th, but almost disappeared
by the beginning of the 20th century. This is also the reason why the arms marshalled in
Poland are predominantly associated with the heraldic sepulchral art.
Ordinaries that are common in the British heraldry, for instance: pale, fess, checky,
chevron, chief, or paly were very rare in the Polish heraldry. According to Szymanski [56], in the mediaeval times, the most common
ordinaries were: chief (3 arms), fess (5 arms), pale (3 arms), bend (1 arms), bend
sinister (1 arms), chevron (1 arms), base (1 arms), cross (3 arms), inescutcheon (2 arms),
and bordure (2 arms). Other divisions, ordinaries and sub-ordinaries already mentioned
were at that time virtually unheard of. This situation changed a little between the 16th
and the 18th centuries when coats of arms of foreign origin began to be introduced into
Polish heraldry by the ennobled or naturalised families. This was also because the Polish
nobility did not want to blindly follow the foreign examples and so kept local patterns of
design. This resulted in the formation of some unique charges in the European heraldry.
Most of those charges derived their origin from znaki ziemskie (the clan property
marks), which are older than heraldry itself. Those property marks consisted of some
simple line designs which represented combinations of straight and curved lines. While
some, as it is suggested by Klec-Pilewski [57],
were later transformed into charges which could be described in heraldic terms that are
known to the Western scholars, (i.e., straight lines changed to arrows, crosses, swords,
lances, etc.; curved lines evolved into crescents, horse-shoes, scythes, and the like),
other remained virtually unchanged and totally unknown abroad. Such charges include: krzywasn
(illus. 18.1),
lekawica (illus.
18.2), cross osmorog (illus. 18.3), and rogacina (illus. 18.4).
Since it is extremely difficult to define charges such as krzywasn, as such definition
would sound a little awkward if formed precisely, i.e.: a bend couped curved at each
end bent in chief basewise and in base chiefwise, one has to applaud the proposition
of Mariusz Cybulski, the translator of the English section in the Szymański [58] armorial, who suggested retaining the original
linguistic forms of such charges. One would hope that with time such terms could be
accepted by the Western heraldists and this way help to enrich the English heraldic
vocabulary, as has been the case with some French terms in the past. One would hope that
the term cross osmorog could be accepted on the same grounds as cross pateé.
Apart from adding to the heraldic dictionary, in my opinion, the acceptance of the
described charges is crucial for the proper blazon of Polish arms, since most of the other
unique charges are based on them. Endorsing terms krzywasn, lekawica, cross osmorog, and
rogacina would allow for the blazon of other more complicated charges, e.g., rogacina
przekrzyzowana (illus.
18.5), rogacina dwukrotnie przekrzyzowana (illus. 18.6),
rogacina przekrzyzowana i rozdarta (illus. 18.7) and krzywasn w lewo (illus 18.8.)
could become, respectively: rogacina crossed fesswise, rogacina double-crossed
fesswise, rogacina forked in base crossed fesswise and krzywasn sinisterwise.
Other charges such as animals, birds, buildings, human figures and plants, rather popular
in Polish heraldry were, according to Klec-Pilewski [59],
also often based on the extremely ancient totems of different clans. In contrast, other
foreign and exotic objects or fantastic beasts used as heraldic charges were utilised
quite rarely.
CREST
The crest in the Polish language is called klejnot (German -
kleinod, helmkleinod) or cymer (French - cimier). Its use became popular at the beginning
of the 14th century. According to Szymański, we know only of 54 (19.5%) different crests
used in all 274 known mediaeval arms [60].
This does not mean that the rest of the arms did not have any crests, it rather suggests
that in Polish heraldry their significance was much smaller than in the West. This view is
reinforced further by the fact that fifteen descriptions of those crests, according to
Szymanski [61], come from foreign sources.
This lack of interest in the crest had to do with the fact that in reality there was no
stable institution of the herald and that the tournaments conducted in Poland were not as
numerous as in the West. To make matters worse, our knowledge of the crests is seriously
jeopardised because in the 16th century many then known original crests were replaced by
lazy printers of the Paprocki and later the Okolski armorials with a standard form of
ostrich and peacock feathers. Since then, almost one in every four heraldic achievements
has some form of feathers included in its crest. Polish heraldry knows considerably more
about the crests of arms from ennoblements and naturalisations, where each grant was
recorded by the Royal Chancellery. Kulikowski [62]
suggests that this was probably because the Chancellery followed the example of its
corresponding offices in the foreign countries and recorded detailed blazons of both the
shield and the crest. In the Polish heraldry, some princely families did not use the crest
and instead opted to rest the prince's crown straight against the helmet, (today this is
considered a bad heraldry) or as a coronet of rank on the manteau.
HELMET
The position of a helmet had absolutely no significance in the Polish heraldry. Only nowadays Polish heraldists postulate that helmets should be orientated according to the position of the crest. Helmet in profile position, (such as used by an esquire in English
heraldry) is suggested when the crest consists of an object
facing to the dexter side of the shield, i.e., 'demi-lion rampant' or a 'wing'. Helmet
positioned affronté is preferred when the crest consists of an object facing as
in real life, to the front of a helmet, (or in other words, an object which should be
looked upon from the front) i.e., 'demi-man' or 'stags attire'. Similarly, in the past no
significance was given to the type of a helmet used. The pot-helmet, the great-helmet and
the tilting-helmet were usually found in the mediaeval heraldry, while barred-helmet
(silver with gold bars) became almost universal from the early 16th century onward.
CREST CORONET
According to Szymanski, since the mediaeval times, after
the shield and the crest, the crest coronet should be viewed as the third most important
component of any coat of arms of Polish nobility. As proof for such statement Szymanski [63] stipulated that 11 out of 54 known Polish heraldic
achievements of mediaeval times (which include helmets and crest), include crest coronet.
He also pointed out an even more important fact, that all information about such coronets
come from Polish sources.
While the use of shields and helmets has not been regulated by the Polish heraldic rules,
the use as well as the shape of coronets was nevertheless outlined precisely.
Polish heraldry knows several types of crest coronets, however, since the early 16th
century only two of them have been used by the majority of szlachta members in their arms:
a. the circlet which consists of three leaf and two pearl points set (most commonly) with
precious stones and very similar in design to those of French marquis coronet (see illus. 19.1).
This type was predominantly used on helmets, but it could also be placed straight on the
shield; and
b. the circlet which consists of five pearl points and also set with precious stones (see illus. 19.2).
This type was used directly on the shield (not used on helmets).
Other types of coronets were specific of relatively very small group of titled families
and included the following types:
1. baron's (baron) coronet - the circlet (set with precious stones) which
consists of seven pearl points - similar to the more recent form of the German Freiherr or
the Belgian count coronet (illus. 20.1);
2. Napoleonic baron's coronet - plain circlet, three times wound around with a string of
pearls (illus. 20.2);
3. viscount's (wicehrabia) coronet - plain circlet which consists of three large
and two small pearl points - similar in shape to the more recent form of the French
vicomte coronet (illus.
20.3);
4. count's (hrabia) coronet - the circlet (set with precious stones) which
consists of nine pearl points - similar to the more recent form of the German graf coronet
(illus. 20.4);
5. marquis' (margrabia) coronet - the circlet (set with precious stones) which
consists of three leaf and two pearl points, the latter consists of three pearls each
grouped in trefoil. Similar in shape to the more recent form of the French, Portuguese or
Spanish marquis coronet (illus. 20.5);
6. prince's (ksiaze) crown - a cherry red velvet cap, turned up with ermine,
scalloped into round pieces, enclosed by four-sided arches of the crown set with pearls
and with blue Imperial orb and gold cross at the top. In Polish, this crown is sometimes
called mitra, its shape being similar to the German Fürstenhut (illus. 20.6).
MANTLING
It seems that Polish heraldry has never been too concerned
with mantling. According to Szymanski [64],
this was because in reality Polish knights did not include lambrequins on helmets. In the
West the lambrequins were in practical use until the end of the 15th century. That was why
the lambrequins were part of heraldic design from the very beginning. In the Polish
heraldic art, on the other hand, mantling was introduced rather late. The first
iconographic example of the heraldic achievement with mantling comes from the 14th
century. Szymanski points out that of all Polish mediaeval arms recorded by him only 37
contain lambrequins, of which 13 do not contain any description of the tinctures. In the
16th century - the beginning of the period of 'paper heraldry' - mantling became more
popular. Since it was popularised by the armorial Orbis Polonus by Szymon Okolski it
became an essential part of the heraldic achievement of Polish nobility.
ROBE OF ESTATE in Polish heraldry was used only by princely and some count, (only those
who received special exemptions in the grant of the title) families.
WAR-CRIES
Together with other heraldic devices the clans also used war-cries, which had strong links
with their arms. The war-cries varied in their origins; they were either topographical, or
derived from the names, sobriquets or totems of their founders, or were ideological in
origin. The names of the arms usually alluded to the charges of the field or to the crest.
Sometimes the old war-cries were considered as sui generis names of particular arms,
(quite a few of them still are).
According to Szymański [65], apart from the
heraldic charges, the war-cry or the proclamation (Latin: proclamatio) was the most
important component of the coat of arms of Polish nobility. In the Polish tradition, each
arms had a name of its own which derived from those proclamations. The best examples of
such proclamatio-arms (as they are known), are the coat of arms called Leliwa, Topor, Lis
and Jastrzebiec. To some extent, in my opinion, such proclamatio-names replaced the role
of the blazon. This was simply because most noblemen knew from their experience
descriptions of particular arms just by evoking the proclamatio-name. Thus, most of them
would be able to correctly visualise the arms Leliwa without describing them using their
blazon: łAzure, a crescent Or surmounted by a mullet of six points of the Same˛.
SUPPORTERS, MOTTOES and other accessories
The supporters were introduced into Polish heraldry in the 14th century when they could be
found on the royal seals of Jadwiga Queen of Poland and Wladyslaw Jagiello. However,
supporters never became popular among the nobles, and as a result were associated only
with titled families, (with the exception of coats of arms belonging to naturalised
foreigners which were introduced to Polish heraldry).
Another rare accessory in Polish heraldic art is motto. The first known examples of this
device come from the 18th century. Mottoes were used more widely during the 18th century
and almost entirely by the titled nobility. The use of the mottoes was not restricted by
any laws and so families were free to choose them. Some of the most famous mottoes are
those used by Count Zamoyski - To mniej boli (It hurts less); Prince Sanguszko - Z
przekonania (Out of conviction); Prince Radziwill - Bog nam radzi (Lord guides
us); Prince Czartoryski - Badz co badz (Let it be what has to be); and Prince
Sulkowski - Tout pour la patrie (Everything for the Fatherland).
During the reign of Stanislaw August Poniatowski other symbols - of rank and office -
placed behind, under, or on the sides of the heraldic shield also became popular. For
example: two keys crossed in saltire were placed behind the shield of podkomorzy
(chamberlain), two marshal's batons crossed in saltire were placed behind the shield of
marszalek (marshal), two swords in pale were placed on the sides of the heraldic shield of
miecznik (sword-bearer) and two bugles were placed below the shield in the arms of lowczy
(royal hunt master).
Finally, it should be stressed once again that in Poland the most important factor was to
have a rank of a nobleman. The coats of arms did not have the same importance. Despite
widespread written and oral tradition on the subject, there was a general lack of serious
interest about them.
===
The following is the list of various sources and bibliographical material helpful in
obtaining iconographical references on Polish Heraldry.
Polish Mediaeval Coats of Arms in European Armorials
1. Bellenville Armorial, ca. 1364-1386.
Author: most probably Geldre Claes Heinen.
Content: among 1,722 armorial shields, of which 478 with helmets and crests, 24 armorial
shields of Polish knights, (2 arms were depicted twice, so in fact, only 22 arms) can be
found.
Original: ?
Published: Jequier, L. (ed.), L'Armorial Bellenville, in Cahier d'Heraldique,
Paris, vol. 5/1983.
Reports in the Recueil du Ile Congres international des sciences genealogique et
héraldique, Liége 29 of May - 2 of June 1972, (article in French).
2. Wapenboek Gelre or Armorial de Gerle, ca. 1370-1386.
Author: Geldre Claes Heinen.
Content: among 1,755 achievements of arms in colour, 25 arms of Polish knights (this
includes arms of 1 Hungarian and 3 Silesian knights who were owners of large estates in
the Kingdom of Poland) can be found.
Original: Brussels, Royal Library, ms.15652-56.
Published: Galbreath, D. L., La Suisse féodale dąaprďs ląArmorial de gelre, in
Archives Heraldiques Suisses, vol.46/1932, (article in French).
Mikucki, Sylwiusz, Rycerstwo slowianskie w Wapenboek Gerlego, in Studia
Zrodloznawcze, vol.3/1958, (article in Polish, concerned only with Slavic arms).
3. Armorial Equestre de la Toison d'Or et de l'Europe or An Armorial of Knights of the
Golden Fleece and 15th Century Europe, early 15th century.
Author: most probably Jean Lefevre de Saint Remy.
Content: 53 armorial shields of Polish knights, in colour; depiction of the Polish king in
the tournamental attire; as well as examples of civic heraldry (arms of provinces) can be
found.
Original: Paris, Bibliotheque de Arsenal, no.4790.
Published: Larchey, L., Armorial Ancien Equestre de la Toison dąOr et de ląEurope au XV
siecle, Paris, 1890 (article in French).
Pinches, R. & Wood, A., An Armorial of Knights of the Golden Fleece and 15th Century
Europe, London, 1971 (there is an introduction in English to Polish heraldry by B. J.
Klec-Pilewski).
4. Books of the Brotherhood of St.Christopher on the Arlberg, ca. early 15th century.
Content: among the arms of the Brotherhood's members, 12 armorial shields of Polish
knights can be found.
Original: Vienna, Österreichisches Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv.
Published: Hupp, Otto, Die Wappenbücher von Arlberg v.1: Die drei Orginal-Handschriften
vom St.Christoph dem Arlberg aus den Jahren 1394 bis rund 1430, Berlin, 1937-1943 (article
in German).
Polaczkowna, Helena, Ksiega bracka na Arlbergu w Tyrolu, in Miesiecznik
Heraldyczny, vol.10/1931 (article in Polish).
5. Bergshammar Armorial or Codex Bergshammar, ca. 1435.
Content: 3,388 arms with or without helmet or crest; 70 armorial shields of Polish
knights, dignitaries and clergymen, as well as some examples of civic heraldry (arms of
provinces) can be found.
Original: Stockholm, Riksarkivet, Bergshammarsamlingen.
Published: Raneke, Hans, Bergshammarvapenboken, in Medeltidsheraldisk studie, Lund,
1975 (article in Swedish).
Heymowski, Adam, Herby polskie w sztokholmskim Codex Bergshammar, in Studia
zrodloznawcze, vol.12/1967 (article in Polish about Polish arms within the Armorial).
6. Armorial Gymnich (Lyncenich), ca. 1445.
Content: 46 arms of Polish knights (4 arms were depicted twice, so in fact, only 42 arms)
can be found.
Original: Brussels, Royal Library, ms.II, 6567 (Fonds Houwaert).
Published: Heymowski, Adam, Herby polskie w brukselskim Armorial Gymnich, in Studia
zródloznawcze, vol.29/1985 (article in Polish about Polish arms within the Armorial).
7. Des Conrad Grünenberg Ritters und Bürgers zu Constanzer Wappenbuch or The Armorial of
Conrad Grünenberg, 1483.
Content: 2 arms of Polish knights.
Original: Berlin, Private State Archives, Berlin-Dahlem, (contemporary copy: Munich, State
Library).
Published: Stillfried R. von & Hildebrandt, A. M., Des Conrad Grünenberg Ritters und
Bürgers zu Constanzer Wappenbuch or The Armorial of Conrad Grünenberg, Frankfurt am
Main, publishing date unknown, (article in German).
8. Das Concilium co zu Constanz or Chronicle of the Council of Constance, 1483.
Content: 17 arms of Polish knights.
Original: ?
Published: Polaczkowna, Helena, Najstarsze zrodla heraldyki polskiej, in Archiwum
Towarzystwa Naukowego we Lwowie, Lwów, 1924, vol. 1, pp.3-10.
Mikucki, Sylwiusz, Barwa w heraldyce sredniowiecznej, in Rocznik Towarzystwa
Heraldycznego, Lwow, 1928-1929, vol. 9, pp.210-212.
Polish Mediaeval Coats of Arms in Polish Armorials and Other
Sources
1. A Legend of St. Hedwig in Codex of Ostrow (in Polish: Legenda o sw. Jadwidze w Kodeksie
ostrowskim), 1353.
Content: 8 arms of Polish knights, in colour.
Original: ?
Published: Stronczynski, Kazimierz, Legenda obrazowa o sw. Jadwidze ksieznie slaskiej
wedlug rekopisu z 1353 przedstawiona i z pózniejszymi tejze tresci obrazami porownana,
Krakow, 1880 (in Polish language).
Wasowicz, Tadeusz, Legenda slaska, Wroclaw, 1967 (in Polish language).
Braunfels, von W., Der Hedvigs-Codex von 1353, Berlin, 1972 (in German language).
2. The heraldic frieze from the Chapel of St. Jacob of Lad (in Polish: Fryz heraldyczny z
kaplicy Sw. Jakuba w Ladzie), 1357-1372.
Content: among 21 arms, 17 are of Polish knights.
Published: Lojko, Jerzy, Fryz heraldyczny z kaplicy klasztornej sw. Jakuba w Ladzie nad
Warta, in Studia zrodloznawcze, vol.22/1977, pp.125-150, (in Polish language).
3. Insignorum clenodiorum Regis et Regni Poloniae descripto or Klejnoty Dlugosza or
Armorial of Jan Dlugosz, 1462 -1480.
This most important Polish armorial has survived in subsequent seven copies. Because those
copies differ from each other, we list them in chronological order below:
3a. Rekopis Biblioteki w Kórniku
(Copy from the Library of Kórnik)
Original: Library in Kórnik, Poland.
3b. Rekopis Biblioteki Zakladu Narodowego im. Ossolinskich
(Copy from Library of Zaklad Narodowy Ossolinskich)
Original: Library of Zaklad Narodowy Ossolinskich in Wroclaw, Poland.
3c. Rekopis w Kodeksie Biblioteki XX Chigich
(Copy from the Codex of Library of XX Chigich in Rome, Italy)
Original: Library of Rome.
3d. Rekopis Letkowskiego
(Copy of Letkowski)
Original: Library in Wilanów, Poland.
3e. Rekopis paryski (Paris copy), known also as Herbarz arsenalski (Armorial of Arsenal),
1570s.
Content: 178 arms in colour (of those 118 belong to Polish knights). The other arms
consist of ecclesiastical arms, civic arms, etc.
Original: Paris Library of Arsenal, no.11114.
Published: Polaczkowna, Helena, Stemmata Polonica, rekopis nr 11114 Klejnotów Dlugosza
w Bibliotece Arsenalu w Paryzu, in Prace sekcji historii sztuki i kultury Towarzystwa
Naukowego we Lwowie, Lwów, vol.1/1927, pp.161-250 (article in Polish language).
3f. Kodeks Erazma Kamyna (Codex of Erasm Kamyn), 1575.
Original: Library of the Lvov University.
3g. Kodeks Erazma Kamyna (Codex of Erasm Kamyn), 1575.
Original: Library of Ordynacji Zamojskich in Warsaw.
Note: There are several reeditions of the Armorial of Jan Dlugosz, of which the most
noticable are:
- Gorski, Krzysztof (ed.), Banderia Prudentorum, Warszawa, 1958.
- Friedberg, Marian (ed.), Klejnoty Dlugoszowe, in Rocznik Polskiego Towarzystwa
Heraldycznego, Lwów, 1931, vol.10/1930.
- Muczkowski, Józef (ed.), Banderia Prudentorum tudziez Insignia Seu Clenodia Regni
Poloniae, Krakow: Drukarnia Uniwersytecka (1851), republished by WAiF, Warszawa, 1979.
===
Polish Armorials (16th - 20th century)
Since the 16th century, almost all Polish armorials (English translation for the
Polish term herbarz) have not only been covering heraldry, but also dealt with genealogy.
Klec-Pilewski [66] suggests that the whole
term heraldry was, and still is, often used in the Polish language to cover both
subjects.
1. Arma Regni Poloniae or Herbarz Marka Ambrozego, 1562.
Author: Marek Ambrozy.
Content: 112 coats of arms.
Published: Marek Ambrozy, Arma Regni Poloniae, Antwerpia, 1882.
2. Herbarz rycerstwa polskiego, 1584.
Author: Bartosz Paprocki.
Content: armorial contains genealogies of Polish nobility and description of their arms
where applicable, reprint of Polish 16th century classic, arranged alphabetically,
supplemented by index.
Published: Paprocki, Bartosz, Herbarz rycerstwa polskiego, 2nd edition, K. J. Turowski
(ed.), Kraków, 1858.
3. Orbis Polonus, 1614-1645.
Author: Szymon Okolski.
Content: this armorial was written in Latin. Its author based his writings on earlier
published
works of Dlugosz and Paprocki (see above). As other Polish armorials, it contains
genealogies of Polish nobility and description of their arms where applicable.
Published: Okolski, Szymon, Orbis Polonus, 3 vols., Kraków, 1614-45.
4. Herbarz szlachty Prus Królewskich, 1632-1654.
Author: Jan Karol Dachnowski.
Original: There are two original manuscripts written by Dachnowski, as well as the 18th
century copy. In chronological order these are:
4a. Rekopis Biblioteki w Korniku (Copy from Library of Kórnik).
Original: Library in Kórnik, Poland, signature BK 474.
Content: Copy made between 1632-1648.
4b. Rekopis Biblioteki Narodowej w Warszawie
(Copy from the National Library in Warsaw).
Original: National Library in Warsaw, Poland, signature III 3143.
Content: Copy made between 1650-54.
4c. Rekopis torunski (Copy from the Archives in Torun).
Original: State Archives in ToruY, Poland, signature II. III. 13.
Content: Copy made between 1705-1716 (?).
Content: armorial contains arms of Polish nobility of the Royal Prussia province as well
as some genealogical data. It was written in Latin and Polish.
Published: Pentek, Zdzislaw, Jan Karol Dachnowski: Herbarz szlachty Prus Królewskich z
XVII wieku, Biblioteka Kórnicka PAN, Kórnik, 1995.
5. Compendium (Nomenclator) or Herbarz rycerstwa Wielkiego Xiestwa Litewskiego, 1658.
Author: Revd Wojciech Wijuk Kojalowicz (SJ).
Content: armorial contains genealogical data as well as blazons of arms of the Polish
noble families of Lithuanian origin. Supplemented by index of family names. In Polish it
has been published under the title Compendium, and in Latin - Nomenclator.
Published: Kojalowicz, Wojciech Wijuk, Herbarz rycerstwa Wielkiego Xiestwa Litewskiego
tzw. Compendium; in Piekosinski, Franciszek (ed.) Herold Polski, vol.1/1897.
Kojalowicz, Wojciech Wijuk, Herbarz szlachty Wielkiego Xiestwa Litewskiego tzw.
Nomenclator; in Piekosinski, Franciszek (ed.) Herold Polski, vol.3/1905.
6. Poczet herbów szlachty Korony Polskiej i Wielkiego Ksiestwa Litewskiego, 1694.
Author: Waclaw Potocki.
Content: in essence this armorial has been rewritten in a rhyme form from the armorial of
Okolski (see no.3). It contains 320 poems about arms of Polish nobility and royalty.
Published: Potocki, Waclaw, Poczet herbów szlachty Korony Polskiej i Wielkiego Ksiestwa
Litewskiego, 1694.
7. Korona polska przy zlotej wolnosci starozytnymi wszystkich katedr, prowincji i
rycerstwa klejnotami ozdobiona, potomnym zas wiekom na zaszczyt i niesmiertelna slawe
pamietnych w tej ojczyznie synów podana, 1728.
Author: Revd Kasper Niesiecki (SJ).
Content: one of the most important genealogical and heraldic works in Polish bibliography.
This four-volume armorial was arranged alphabetically by family names and by the names of
the arms. Its genealogical and heraldic value was recognised in the 19th century by the
heraldic offices of Polish partitioners, who used it on equal terms with other documents
for registrations of arms and/or pedigree.
Published: Niesiecki, Kasper, Korona polska przy zlotej wolnosci starozytnymi wszystkich
katedr, prowincji i rycerstwa klejnotami ozdobiona, potomnym zas wiekom na zaszczyt i
niesmiertelna slawe pamietnych w tej ojczyznie synów podana, 4 vols., Lwów, 1728.
8. Herbarz wielu domów Korony Polskiej i W. X. Litewskiego, 1757.
Author: Stanislaw J. Dunczewski.
Content: this armorial which has a form of a compilation, was based mostly on Niesiecki's
armorial.
Published: Dunczewski, Stanislaw J., Herbarz wielu domów Korony Polskiej i W. X.
Litewskiego, T. I-II, Zamosc, 1757.
9. Herbarz szlachty Inflant polskich, 1778.
Author: this armorial is based on registration acts of the provincial Court of Dyneburg of
1778. Later, as part of the collection of the Central Archives of Vitebsk those acts were
held in the National Archives in Vilnius (at least until 1939). A copy of those
registrations was made around 1931 by Z. Belina-Prazmowski. Adam Heymowski published,
edited and footnoted duplicate in 1964.
Content: this alphabetically arranged armorial contains arms and genealogies of 127 noble
families of Polish Livonia.
Original: ?
Published: Heymowski, Adam, Herbarz szlachty Inflant polskich z 1778 roku, in
Materialy do biografii, genealogii i heraldyki polskiej, Buenos Aires-Paris, 1964, vol.2.
10. Herbarz: Dopelnienie Niesieckiego, end of the 18th century.
Author: Ignacy Kapica-Milewski.
Content: armorial of the nobility of Mazovia and Podlachia, supplement to Item no. 7,
arranged alphabetically.
Published: Kapica-Milewski, Ignacy, Herbarz: Dopelnienie Niesieckiego, Kraków, 1870.
11. Herbarz Polski, 1839-1845.
Author: Revd Kasper Niesiecki (SJ).
Content: this ten-volume armorial contains genealogies of Polish nobility and description
of their arms where applicable. This armorial edited and published by J. N. Bobrowicz is a
reedition of the Polish 18th century classic, Item no. 7. It has been updated with
footnotes from DuYczewski, Krasicki, Kuropatnicki, Wieladek and its editor. It was
arranged alphabetically and supplemented.
Published: Niesiecki, Kasper, Herbarz Polski, 2nd ed., J. N. Bobrowicz (ed.), Leipzig
(1839-1845), republished by WAiF, Warszawa, 1979.
12. Herbarz rodzin szlacheckich Królestwa Polskiego najwyzej zatwierdzony, 1853.
Author: Mikolaj Pawliszczew, privy councillor of the Russian Tsar delegated to Poland to
compile an armorial of Polish nobility.
Content: this armorial published by the Heraldic Authority of the Kingdom of Poland, is
viewed by experts as a publication of very low value, as it is teeming with various and
serious mistakes.
Published: Pawliszczew, Mikolaj, Herbarz rodzin szlacheckich Królestwa Polskiego najwyzej
zatwierdzony, 2 vols., Warszawa: Heroldia Królestwa Polskiego, 1853.
13. Herbarz Polski i imionopis zasluzonych w Polsce ludzi wszelkich stanów i czasów,
1855-1862.
Author: Hipolit Stupnicki.
Content: essentially it is a three-volume compendium of Herbarz Polski, Item no. 11.
Published: Stupnicki, Hipolit, Herbarz Polski i imionopis zasluzonych w Polsce ludzi
wszelkich stanow i czasow, Lwow, 1855-1862.
14. Zlota ksiega szlachty polskiej, 1879-1908.
Author: Tadeusz Zychlinski (ed.).
Content: genealogical monographs of Polish noble families arranged alphabetically within
each volume (31 volumes).
Published: Zychlinski, Tadeusz (ed.), Zlota ksiega szlachty polskiej, 31 vols., Poznan,
1879-1908.
15. Poczet Rodów w Wielkim Ksiestwie Litewskim w XV i XVI wieku, 1887.
Author: Adam Fredro Boniecki.
Content: armorial of noble families of Great Dutchy of Lithuania of the 15th and the 16th
centuries. Genealogical and heraldic material published by Boniecki was based strictly on
source materials, and therefore, was acclaimed as model for future scientifically
orientated works in this discipline.
Published: Boniecki, Adam, Poczet Rodów w Wielkim Ksiestwie Litewskim w XV i XVI wieku,
Warszawa, 1887.
16. Ksiega herbowa rodów polskich, 1896.
Author: Juliusz R. Ostrowski.
Content: the role of arms of Polish nobility. The effect of over 20 years of research
allowed Ostrowski to complete an unparalleled in Poland heraldic work which contains over
3700 b/w illustrations of Polish arms. The role is arranged alphabetically, (by the
proclamatio-names used for Polish coats of arms) up to the letter "S".
Published: Ostrowski, Juliusz R., Ksiega herbowa rodów polskich, Warszawa, 1896.
17. Herbarz Polski, 1899-1913.
Author: Adam Fredro Boniecki.
Content: genealogies of Polish nobility and description of their arms where applicable. As
in his previous work, Boniecki based his Herbarz on source material, (he included over 147
source type references; acts, documents, etc.). This armorial, arranged alphabetically,
covers names beginning with letters "A" to "M" only. It has 16 volumes
and 6 supplements. Other unpublished volumes from letters "M" to "Z",
edited by W. Dworzaczek and awaiting publication, were destroyed during the Warsaw
Uprising in 1944.
Published: Boniecki, Adam, Herbarz Polski, 16 vols., Warszawa, 1901-1913.
18. Rodzina: Herbarz szlachty polskiej, 1904-1938.
Author: Seweryn Uruski.
Content: genealogies of Polish nobility and description of their arms where applicable,
based on the official registration of the 19th century, arranged alphabetically and
covering names beginning with the letters "A" to "R" only, 15 volumes
and a supplement.
Published: Uruski, Seweryn, Rodzina: Herbarz szlachty polskiej, 15 vols., Warszawa,
1904-1938.
19. Herby szlachty polskiej, 1908.
Author: Zbigniew Leszczyc.
Content: a concise one-volume armorial of the Polish nobility. It includes 440 colour
pictures of arms. The new edition published by Paszkiewicz and Kulczycki is updated with
an introduction in English, a list of surnames of Polish noble families and an index of
arms.
Published: Paszkiewicz, Mieczyslaw & Kulczycki, Jerzy, Herby rodów polskich / Polish
Coats of Arms, London: Orbis Books Ltd, 1990.
20. Tablice odmian herbowych, 1909.
Author: Stanislaw Chrzanski.
Content: the role of arms of Polish nobility, arranged by charges. It contains colour
illustrations of Polish arms and names of families which used such arms.
Published: Chrzanski, Stanislaw, Tablice odmian herbowych, Warszawa, 1909.
21. Herbarz rodzin tatarskich w Polsce,1929.
Author: Stanislaw Dziadulewicz.
Content: armorial of Polish nobility of Tartar origin of both Moslem and Christian faith.
Like other Polish armorials, it contains genealogical data. Arranged alphabetically.
Published: Dziadulewicz, Stanislaw, Herbarz rodzin tatarskich w Polsce, Wilno, 1929.
22. Armorial de la noblesse polonaise titrée, 1958.
Author: Szymon Konarski.
Content: armorial of Polish titled families.
Published: Konarski, Szymon, Armorial de la noblesse polonaise titrée, Paris, 1958.
23. Herby szlachty polskiej, 1990.
Author: Slawomir Gorzynski & Jerzy Kochanowski.
Content: pocket size armorial which includes 150 b/w pictures of most common Polish
coats of arms and a list of surnames of Polish noble families.
Published: Gorzynski, Slawomir & Kochanowski, Jerzy, Herby szlachty polskiej,
Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego i Wydawnictwa Alfa, 1990.
24. Herbarz sredniowiecznego rycerstwa polskiego, 1993.
Author: Józef Szymanski.
Content: one of the most recent and most comprehensive armorials of Polish nobility of the
mediaeval period. It contains illustrations and blazons of 274 arms used in Poland between
the 13th and the 15th century. All entries have been painstakingly attained with source
documents,
iconographical references, bibliographical data, footnotes, etc. Parts of the armorial
have been written both in English and Polish.
Published: Szymanski, Józef, Herbarz sredniowiecznego rycerstwa polskiego, Warszawa:
Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, 1993.
25. Herbarz mazowiecki, 1997-
Author: Jerzy Lempicki.
Content: the most recent armorial of Polish nobility. It contains detailed information on
Polish nobility of Masovia. So far, only three volumes have been published. They contain:
vol. I - Introduction, vol. II - Nobility of the Plock district and vol. III - Nobility of
the Bielsko district.
Published: Lempicki, Jerzy, Herbarz mazowiecki, 3 vols., Poznan: Wydawnictwo Heroldium,
1997-.
Notes:
[1] Although the word nobility is
generally used as a counterpart of szlachta (as entymologically analogous and close in
reference), it should be remembered that szlachta was a class of people for which there is
no precise equivalent in English, (as noted by Monica Gardner in her biography Kosciuszko,
published by Allen & Unwin, London, 1942, p.14). This will become apparent in the
paragraphs that follow.
[2] William F. Reddaway (ed.) The Cambridge
History of Poland, 2 vols., London, 1950.
[3] Andrzej Zajaczkowski, Szlachta polska;
kultura i struktura, Warszawa: Semper, 1993, ch.1.
[4] Bernard Klec-Pilewski, Studies and
Contributions to Polish History, Genealogy and Heraldry, London, 1991, p.24.
[5] ibid.
[6] Norman Davis, God's Playground: a History
of Poland, 2 vols., Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986.
[7] ibid., p.211.
[8] Adam Zamoyski, The Polish Way: A
Thousand-Year History of The Poles and Their Culture, London: John Murray, 1987, p.51.
[9] Andrzej Zajaczkowski, Glówne elementy
kultury szlacheckiej w Polsce, Warszawa, 1961, p.24.
[10] Davis, God's Playground, p.153.
[11] ibid., p.214.
[12] Zygmunt Gloger, Encyklopedia
Staropolska, 2 vols., Warszawa, 1901, vol.2, p.586.
[13] Lech Paszkowski, Social Background of
Sir Paul Strzelecki and Joseph Conrad, Melbourne, 1980, p.25.
[14] Tadeusz Korzon, Wewnetrzne dzieje
Polski za Stanislawa Augusta, 6 vols., Kraków, 1897-98, vol.1, p.320.
[15] Klec-Pilewski, Studies, p.25.
[16] Zajŕczkowski, Szlachta polska, ch.2.
[17] Davis, Godąs Playground, p.137.
[18] Jerzy Piechowski, Ukryte swiatla
herbów, Warszawa: Nasza Ksiegarnia, 1991, pp.125-7.
[19] A very interesting account of the main
elements of culture of the Polish nobility is given in already mentioned book by Andrzej
Zajaczkowski, Glówne elementy kultury szlacheckiej w Polsce, Warszawa, 1961,
(unfortunately this valuable book is in the Polish language).
[20] Richard Brzezinski, Polish Armies
1569-1696, 2 vols., London: Osprey, 1987, vol.1, p.6.
[21] Andrzej Kulikowski, Heraldyka
szlachecka, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Chateau, 1990, p.22.
[22] Jerzy Lojko, Sredniowieczne herby
polskie, Poznan: Krajowa Agencja Wydawnicza, 1985, pp.131-32.
[23] Bernard Klec-Pilewski, Remarks on
the Polish heraldry in the Armorial of Knights of the Golden Fleece, in Pinches, R.
& Wood, A., An Armorial of Knights of the Golden Fleece and 15th Century Europe,
London, 1971.
[24] Klec-Pilewski, Studies, p.27.
[25] Escutcheon - the shield or
shield-shaped surface on which a coat of arms is depicted; the shield together with its
armorial bearings; a coat of arms.
[26] Klec-Pilewski, Studies, p.27.
[27] Walerian Nekanda Trepka, Liber
generationis plebeanorum. Liber chamorum, 2 vols., Wroclaw: Ossolineum, 2nd edition, 1995.
[28] For examples of such illegal acquiring
of the noble status see Zajaczkowski, Szlachta, pp.37-38.
[29] Leszek Bialkowski, Ród
Czamborów-Rogalów w dawnych wiekach, in Rocznik Polskiego Towarzystwa Heraldycznego,
Kraków, vol. 4, 1923; see also Leszek Bialkowski, Ród Bibersteinów, Kraków: G.
Gebethner i Ska, 1908; Leszek Bialkowski, Ród Bibersteinów a ród Momotów godla
Jeleniego Rogu w wiekach XIV-XVI, Lublin: Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 1948.
[30] Klec-Pilewski, Studies, p.28.
[31] ibid., p.29.
[32] ibid.
[33] Kulikowski, Heraldyka, p.26.
[34] ibid., p.27.
[35] There were few women who were granted
ennoblement: e.g., Katarzyna Czeplewna from Poznan, ennobled in 1504, granted Korab arms;
Dorota Czimerman ennobled in 1505, granted Godzieba arms; Barbara Skromowska ennobled in
1511, granted BoYcza arms; and Gertruda Ferber ennobled in 1515, granted Odrowaz arms.
This last ennoblement is especially interesting because in the same grant of 1515
Gertruda's husband, Eberhart Ferber, and their children: Jan, Tideman, Jerzy and Barbara
were also ennobled, but were granted different coat of arms than Gertruda. (Zygmunt
Wdowiszewski, Regesty nobilitacji w Polsce (1404-1794), in Materialy do biografii,
genealogii i heraldyki polskiej, Buenos Aires, 1987, vol.9.)
[36] Zygmunt Wdowiszewski, Regesty
przywilejów indygenatu w Polsce (1519-1793), in Materialy do biografii, genealogii i
heraldyki polskiej, Buenos Aires, 1971, vol.5., p.19.
[37] Volumina Legum. Przedruk zbioru praw, 9
vols., Petersburg 1859-1889, reedition Warszawa, 1980, vol.2, no.1239.
[38] All acts of ennoblement and that of
naturalisation were scrupulously registered among others in:
* Volumina Legum (printed volumes of Polish laws and constitutions laid down by Seym; they
contained materials from 14th to 18th century; unfortunately many entries do not contain
blazons of arms);
* Ksiegi Kanclerskie (volumes of acts registered by the Crown or the Lithuanian
Chancellery; they contained exact copies of Letter Patents and, as a rule, most of the
entries in those acts contained not only blazons but also pictures of granted arms);
* Metryka Koronna (register of issued documents and dealings with public law carried out
for variety of recipients by the Crown Chancellery from 1447 to 1794; almost all
registrations were based on original documents);
* Metryka Litewska (acts similar to Metryka Koronna, but kept by the Chancellery of the
Grand Dutchy of Lithuania from 1569 to 1794);
* Sigillata (synopsis of documents issued by the Crown or the Lithuanian Chancellery).
[39] Paszkowski, Social, p.17.
[40] Stanislaw Dumin & Slawomir
Górzynski, Spis szlachty wylegitymowanej w guberniach grodzienskiej, minskiej,
mohylewskiej, smolenskiej i witebskiej, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo DiG, 1992, p.XI.
[41] Nowa Encyklopedia Powszechna PWN, 6
vols., Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Naukowe PWN, 1996, vol.2, p.742.
[42] Daniel Beauvois, Polacy na Ukrainie
1831-1863: szlachta polska na Wolyniu, Podolu i Kijowszczyznie, Paryz: Instytut Literacki,
1987, p.7.
[43] ibid., pp.10-11.
[44] Klec-Pilewski, Studies, p.29.
[45] Kulikowski, Heraldyka, p.31.
[46] Szymon Konarski, O heraldyce i
heraldycznym snobizmie, Warszawa: Adiutor, 2nd edition, 1992, p.14.
[47] Zbigniew Góralski, Urzedy i godnosci w
dawnej Polsce, Warszawa: Ludowa Spóldzielnia Wydawnicza, 1988, pp.186-87.
[48] Arthur C. Fox-Davies, A Complete Guide
to Heraldry, New York: Bonanza Books, 1978, p.449.
[49] Paszkowski, Social, p.14.
[50] Bartosz Paprocki, Herbarz rycerstwa
polskiego, 2nd edition, K. J. Turowski (ed.), Kraków, 1858, p.324.
[51] Konarski, O heraldyce, p.14.
[52] Results of his research were published
in Introduction to Herbarz szlachty Inflant polskich z 1778 roku, in Materialy do
biografii, genealogii i heraldyki polskiej, Buenos Aires-Paris, 1964, vol.2; and in
commentaries to Herby polskie w sztokholmskim Codex Bergshammar, in Studia
zródloznawcze, vol.12/1967.
[53] Józef Szymanski, Herbarz
sredniowiecznego rycerstwa polskiego, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, 1993, p.25.
[54] ibid., p.20.
[55] Kulikowski, Heraldyka, p.49.
[56] Szymanski, Herbarz, p.26.
[57] Klec-Pilewski, Studies, p.20.
[58] Szymanski, Herbarz, p.72.
[59] Klec-Pilewski, Studies, p.20.
[60] Szymanski, Herbarz, pp.48-49.
[61] ibid., p.50.
[62] Kulikowski, Heraldyka, p.194.
[63] ibid., p.48.
[64] Szymanski, Herbarz, p.60.
[65] ibid., p.11.
[66] Klec-Pilewski, Studies, p.12.
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